While much of the current cultural discussion regarding technoculture focuses
on issues emerging from new communications technology, there is an
exponentially growing interest in and discussion of flesh technology. Like the
discussion on new communications technologies, this discourse vacillates
wildly from the intensely critical and skeptical to the accepting and utopian.
However, the most significant intersection between the two discourses is their
parallel critique of vision enhancement. Whether it is the development of
global satellite vision or the development of micro interior vision, imaging
systems are key to both apocalyptic or utopian tendencies. For example,
sonography can be used to map an ocean floor, or it can be used to map uterine
space. In both cases, such imaging systems function as a first step toward the
ability to culturally engineer and ideologically design those spaces. As these
two spheres of technology continue to intermingle, a recombinant theory of the
relationship of populations and bodies to technology has begun to emerge that
conflates theories of the social and the natural. The existence of such
theories under the legitimizing mantle of the authority of science is not new,
and in fact the theories have fallen in and out of favor since the 19th
century. They continually re-emerge in different guises, such as Social
Darwinism (Malthusian and Spencerian philosophy), eugenics, and socio-biology.
In each case the results of such thinking have been socially catastrophic,
setting loose the unrestrained deployment of authoritarian ideology and
nihilistic social policy.
Apparently theories of deep social evolution have come into favor
again, and are rising from the grave to haunt unsuspecting populations.
Socially dangerous principles of cultural development, such as fitness,
natural selection, and adaptability are again in fashion. Consider the
following quote from the announcement for the 1996 Ars Electronica Symposium
and Exhibition:
"Human evolution, characterized by our ability to process information, isfundamentally entwined with technological development. Complex tools and
technologies are an integral part of our evolutionary "fitness." Genes that
are not able to cope with this reality will not survive the next millennium".
This quote contains some of the most frightening authoritarian language since
the Final Solution, and presents the threat of "adapt or die" as a value-free
social given. To what is the reader expected to adapt? To the technology
developed under the regime of pancapitalism for the purpose of better
implementing its imperatives of production, consumption, and control. There is
nothing evolutionary (in the biological sense) about the pancapitalist
situation. It was engineered and designed by rational agencies. "Fitness" is a
designated status that is relative to the ideological environment, not the
natural environment. History repeats itself, as those resistant to
authoritarian order must once again separate the cultural and the natural, and
expose the horrific nihilistic tendency that arises when the two are confused.
Nihilism
Nihilism can have either positive or negative political associations. For
example, some liberationists view nihilism as a revolutionary strategy capable
of dissolving boundaries which retard the full exploration of human
experience, while those interested in maintaining the status quo view it as a
method of social disruption which manifests itself in destruction and chaos.
Certainly the original description of nihilism, in Turgenev's novel Fathers
and Sons, presented it as a revolutionary method designed to promote
Enlightenment political principles. The engine of nihilism in this case was
reason, and its application manifested itself in an overly deterministic and
domineering model of Western science. Turgenev contrasts the nihilist position
with Christian models of faith and a monarchist social order. While many who
situate themselves on the left can sympathize with the nihilist's will to free
h/erself from the constraints of the traditional model of church and state,
there is also an uneasy feeling about this variety of nihilism, as a danger
exists of replacing one tyrant with another. One cannot help but question if
replacing faith and understanding with reason and knowledge could lead to an
equivalent state of oppression. Nietzsche makes this point very elegantly in
his assertions that movement toward purity and uncritical acceptance (in this
case, of reason) always leads to hegemony and domination.
The case of Nietzsche in regard to nihilism is peculiar. While the
Nietzschean notion of philosophy with a hammer seems to fit well with the
nihilistic process, Nietzsche actually inverts the argument. From his
perspective, the ability of humans to challenge dominant institutions is an
affirming quality. It affirms life and the world. While the process has
elements of conflict and destruction, acts of skepticism, disavowal, and
resistance are intentionally directed toward the possibility of freedom, and
thereby redeem people from the horrid fate of willing nothingness, rather than
not willing at all. From this perspective, the primary example of the
pathologically nihilistic will made manifest is the institution of the church
in particular and religion in general. Religions encourage the subject to
bring about h/er own disappearance and thereby, to eliminate the world which
envelops h/er. One abhors presence, and seeks absence. The problem for
Nietzsche is that he cannot accept the principles of absence (the soul, God,
the heavenly kingdom) that are dictated to society under the authority of
church rule, and perpetuated by an unquestioning faith. Nietzsche demands that
life rest in experience and in presence. To negate the given is an
unacceptable nihilistic position that undermines humanity itself.
On the other hand, if theological principles are accepted, one can
easily see how the positions of secularists appear nihilistic. To sacrifice
one's soul to the immediacy of experience is eternally destructive. The
immediacy of the sensual world should be understood as a site of temptation
that negates the joy of eternity. Those who focus their daily activities on
the sensual world are doomed to the torture of privation in this life, and to
damnation in the next life. To choose an object other than God is to be
continuously left unfulfilled, and during this time the soul decays from
neglect. In terms of Eastern theology, the situation of subject-object is
mediated by the hell of desire, which can only be pacified when the subject is
erased, and thereby returned to the unitary void. In both the Western and the
Eastern varieties of religious life, the subject can only find peace by
affirming God (as opposed to affirming the world).
The truly interesting and relevant point here in regard to
evolutionary social theory is that the 19th century conflict over the nature
of nihilism has a common thread. No matter what side of the debate one favors,
the discourse centers around institutional criticism. Nietzsche attacks the
church and its doctrines, while the church attacks secular institutions such
as science. People are not the object of nihilism, no matter how it is
defined. However, when nihilism is combined with notions of social evolution,
the object of nihilism (whether valued as good or bad) is people! It speaks of
the fitness of some, and the elimination of others. It is not a racial
construction that the authoritarians of social evolution seek to eliminate,
but people of a race; it is not a class that they seek to eliminate, but
people of a class; it is not an anachronistic skill that they seek to
eliminate, but people who have this skill.
Evolution is a theory, not a fact
To be sure, evolutionary theory has become such a key principle in organizing
biological information that some toxic spillage into other disciplines is
almost inevitable. It commands such great authority that its spectacle is
often confused for fact. At present, evolutionary theory is primarily
speculative; no valid and reliable empirical method has been developed to
overcome the temporal darkness that this conjecture is supposed to illuminate.
Consequently, evolutionary theory circles around in its own self-fulfilling
principles. It is in an epistemological crisis, in spite of authoritative
claims to the contrary.
The tautological reasoning of evolutionary theory proceeds as follows:
Those species with the greatest ability to adapt to a changing environment are
naturally selected for survival. Those that are selected not only survive, but
often expand their genetic and environmental domains. So how is it known that
a species has a capacity for adaptation? Because it was naturally selected.
How is it known that it was selected? Because it survived. Why did it survive?
Because it was able to adapt to its environment. In spite of this logical flaw
of rotating first principles, evolutionary theory brings a narrative to the
discipline that makes biological dynamics intelligible. While the theory can
in no way approach the realm of certainty, it does have tremendous
common-sense value. If for no other reason, evolutionary theory is dominant
because no one has been able to produce a secular counternarrative that has
such organizational possibilities.
Evolution is an intriguing notion for other reasons too. The idea that
natural selection is a blind process is certainly a turning point in Western
thinking. There is no teleology, not even the guiding "invisible hand."
Instead, evolution gropes through time, producing both successful and
unsuccessful species. Its varied manifestations display no order, only
accident. This notion is an incredible challenge to the Western desire for
rational order. At best, God is playing dice with the universe. The very
anarchistic strength of this notion is also its scientific downfall. How can
the accidental be measured in causal terms? For example, the engine of
physical adaptability is mutation. If mutation is the accidental, uncommon,
unexpected, and anomalous, how can it be quantified, when the knowledge
systems of science are based on the value of expectation and typicality?
Can we say with any degree of assurance that social development is
analogous to this model of biological development? It seems extremely unlikely
that culture and nature proceed in a similar fashion. Cultural dynamics appear
to be neither blind nor accidental. While the occurrence of chaotic moments in
social development cannot be denied, unlike with biological evolution, they do
not render the same totalizing picture. Cultural evolution, if there is such a
thing, seems for the most part to be orderly and intentional. It is structured
by the distribution of power, which can be deployed in either a negating or
affirming manner.
Culture and Causality
The ever-changing and transforming manifestations of power over time are the
foundation of what may be considered history. Power manifests itself in
countless forms, both as material artifacts and ideational representation,
including architecture, art, language, laws, norms, population networks, and
so on, which is to say as culture itself. When considering either culture or
history, it seems reasonable to contend that evolution (in its biological
sense) plays little if any role in the configuration of social structure or
dynamics. For example, the history of industrial capitalism spans only a brief
200 years. In the evolutionary timetable, this span of time scarcely
registers. The biological systems of humans have not significantly changed
during this period, nor for the last 10,000 years, and hence it would be
foolish to think that evolution played any kind of causal role in the
development of capitalism. In fact, humankind's seeming evolutionary
specialization (a mammal that specializes in intelligence) places it in a
post-evolutionary position. With the ability for advanced communication using
language capable of forming abstract ideas, in conjunction with the ability to
affect and even control elements of the body and the environment, humans have
at least temporarily inverted significant portions of the evolutionary
dynamic. In an astounding number of cases, the body and the environment do not
control the destiny of "humanity;" rather, "humanity" controls the destiny of
the body and its environment. Unlike the evolutionary process, social
development is overwhelmingly a rationalized and engineered process.
If the proposition that social development is a rationalized process
(perhaps even hyper-rationalized, under the pancapitalist regime) is accepted,
can evolutionary principles such as natural selection or fitness have any
explanatory value? This possibility seems very unlikely. For instance, there
is nothing "natural" about natural selection. At the macro level, the
populations that have the greatest probability of coming to an untimely end
are not selected for elimination by a blind natural process; rather, they are
designated as expendable populations. In the US, for example, the problem of
homelessness exists not because there is insufficient food and shelter for
every citizen, nor because this social aggregate is unfit, but because various
power sources have chosen to let the homeless continue in their present state.
The selection process in this case has agency; it is not a blind and
accidental process. What is being selected for in the age of pancapitalism
(and for most of human history) are cultural characteristics that will
perpetuate the system, and maintain the current power structure. This process
is intentional, self-reflexive, and at its worst, systematic--in other words,
intensely rational.
The concept of fitness follows the same unfortunate trajectory. Once
this concept is taken out of its original biological context and placed into a
social context, its explanatory power evaporates. When the concept of fitness
intersects an intentional environment, the idea is transformed from a
relatively neutral one to one that is intensely value-laden. Unlike the
biological concept of fitness, a category measured by the emergent
manifestations of survival, the sociological concept of fitness functions as a
reflection of a particular population that is then projected and inscribed
onto the general population. The valued characteristics (beauty, intelligence,
"normal" body configuration, etc.) that constitute fitness are designed and
deployed in a top-down manner by power sectors which control social policy
construction and image management and distribution. In a social environment
which has solved the challenge of production, fitness has no real meaning
other than to mark acceptable subjects, which in turn marginalizes and/or
eliminates "deviant" subjects. Without question, when fitness is placed into a
sociological context, it becomes a hideous ideological marker representing the
imperatives of the political-economy that deployed it.
Nature as Ideology
Nearly three decades ago Roland Barthes sent an illuminating flare into the
political air to warn us of the socially catastrophic results of using nature
as a code to legitimate social value. Under authoritarian rule, the social
realm is divided into the natural and the unnatural (the perverse). Everything
of value and of benefit to the empowered sectors of a given social system is
coded as natural, while everything which negates its demands by prompting
alternative or resistant forms of social activity and organization is coded as
unnatural in the environment of representation. But this binary system is
more complex. Given that one of these values of the empowered sector is that
of militarization in all its forms, a nasty wound opens as the social fabric
is ripped by contradictory ideological forces. On one hand, nature is viewed
in a very gentle sense as moral and pure, and thereby good. Hence that which
is natural is also good. On the other hand, when perceived through the
evolutionary ideological filter as a realm in which only the strong survive
the bloodbath of life, nature becomes abject, dangerous, and amoral. Hence,
that which is natural (sovereign) must be repelled. The ideological role of
the code of nature is doubled, and simultaneously exists as value and as
detriment, thereby allowing the code to float from one meaning to its
opposite. All that authoritarian power must do is contextualize the code, and
it will speak in whatever manner is desired by the social sectors with the
power to deploy it. In addition, for this code of control to function, its
inherent contradiction must be flawlessly sutured. This is done through
spectacular narrowcasts into the fragmented condition of everyday life.
It seems rather obvious that importing legitimized theories of natural
dynamics (in the case of pancapitalism, evolutionary principles) into the
ideological fabric is a necessity if this overall coding system is to
function. In this manner the constructive qualities of a given regime can be
coded as natural as can its pathologically nihilistic and destructive
tendencies, even, and perhaps especially, when they are aimed at other people!
Thus the code truly is totalizing. It does not have to be split into a binary
which has a boundary that authoritarian order cannot cross. Authoritarian
power can occupy all social space with impunity, both normal and deviant, for
constructive or destructive purposes.
Biohazards
When the dark code of nature (survival of the fittest) is efficiently deployed
within a given population, genocidal nihilism becomes an acceptable course of
social action. While the code legitimizes and masks military aggression for
the purpose of acquiring territory and resources, the will to purity has been
known to function as an independent parallel goal, as was the case in Nazi
Germany. Currently, there is a shift in temperament; genocide is increasingly
becoming less a matter of territory and resources, and more a matter of the
will to purity. In the days of early capital, when the riddle of production
was still unsolved, land/resource appropriations were the primary reason for
genocide. The examples are, of course, well known: the kulak genocide under
Stalin, or the aboriginal genocides in the US and Australia. In these cases,
the will to purity (ideological in the case of the former and racial in the
case of the latter), was secondary, and functioned primarily as the rhetoric
and the justification for the actions. Certainly, one can expect to see more
genocides typical of early capital in the third world, where for reasons of
imperial design, production cannot meet the demands of the population. The
same may be said for industrial nations in the process of restabilizing, as in
Bosnia. However, in the time of first world late capital with its consumer
culture, global media, global markets, and product excess, direct military
actions seem less necessary, because geographic territory is in the process of
being devalued.
With economic expansion via territorial occupation in a process of
disappearing, the will to purity (fitness) stands on its own as a prime reason
for genocide. Currently, genocidal nihilism tends toward elimination of
"deviant" subjectivity. This new form of nihilism is a much more subtle. The
day of the death camp designed for maximum efficiency is over, and in its
place are prisons, ghettos, and spaces of economic neglect. By making it seem
that the condition of extreme privation is a part of the natural order,
rational authority can eliminate populations without direct militarized
action. In some cases, the designated excess population will participate in
its own destruction as individuals are forced by artificially produced
physical need and environmental pressures to do whatever is necessary to
acquire withheld resources. In turn, these actions are replayed by the media
as representations of the dangerous natural qualities of given races,
ethnicities, or classes that must be controlled. Ironically, activities and
environments which were intentionally designed become representations of
nature, and proof of fitness theory.
Accidental opportunities also have great potential for exploitation.
In the early years of the AIDS crisis in the US, when the virus seemed to
affect only gay men, IV drug users, and Haitians, the Reagan Administration
exploited this opportunity to eliminate some "degenerate" populations; after
all, they were unnatural, impure, and unfit. By refusing to intervene or even
acknowledge the existence of the virus, the Reagan Administration allowed this
plague to take its course from 1981 to 1985. Not until it was realized that
AIDS would not stay confined to the designated deviant population was action
taken to contain the virus and control its symptoms.
Engineering the death of populations by neglect is not a recent
innovation. Certainly the Irish genocide at the time of the potato blight
indicates that this strategy has been around for while (although it should be
remembered that this genocide was also primarily done for land and resources,
and less for reasons of purity). Death by neglect is a haunting reminder that
Social Darwinism and the anti-welfare recommendations of Malthus and Spencer
in the time of early capital are not only alive and well, but are once again
gaining in strength.
For acts of passive genocide to be perceived as legitimate (natural),
the public must participate in eugenic ideology. It must believe that the
species is in a biological process that is striving for perfection through a
selection process. It must believe that some populations are more fit than
others. It must desire to emulate the fit, and to have faith that the unfit
will be eliminated. With this belief in place, social sectors of power only
have to contextualize the ideological system in a particular social moment to
see its design for a political-economy that is encoded directly into the flesh
come to fruition. Returning to the announcement from Ars Electronica, an
indicator of this process at work can be observed when we read: "Complex tools
and technologies are an integral part of our evolutionary 'fitness.' Genes
that are not able to cope with this reality will not survive the next
millennium." Who benefits from beliefs such as this? Those who profit most
from the development of technocratic pancapitalism. There is not a shred of
evidence that nature selects for genes with a predisposition for using complex
tools. In fact, if survival is taken as the signifier of fitness, those who
use complex tools are a small and stable minority of the world's population,
which would indicate that they are less fit. The majority and expanding
populations do not use complex tools. (What is truly odd is that such rhetoric
implies that "quality of life" is a characteristic that demonstrates fitness
and adaptability. This is a peculiar return to the Calvinist belief in finding
signs that s/he is in God's grace by h/er proximity to economic bounty). It
seems just as likely that complex tools are signs of devolution, or even the
source of species destruction. What is clear is that the power sectors which
currently engineer social policy are at the moment selecting for and rewarding
those who can use complex tools and punishing those who cannot, and that this
intentional process is at times passed off as a natural development.
The sweeping condemnation of those outside technoculture bodes badly
for less technologically saturated societies, since they presently appear to
be "unfit" according to this line of thinking. Traces of the colonial
narrative replay themselves in this rhetoric, since technoculture is not
accessible to the grand majority of nonwestern races and ethnicities. At the
same time, the colonial narrative is being reconfigured for postwar
technoculture. As women are brought into the bureaucratic and technocratic
workforce, fitness designated by biological characteristics is starting to be
replaced by fitness designated by behavior. This way, power sectors have an
alibi which masks the traces of the colonial narrative alive in technoculture,
but which can also allow them to embrace "fit" individuals that emerge from
"unfit" populations.
Conclusion
Two key problems occur in attempting to use evolutionary theory in the
analysis of cultural development. First, presenting cultural development as
analogous to biological development is like trying to hammer a square peg into
a round hole. There is little basis for likening a blind, groping process of
species configuration within an chaotic, uncontrolled environment to a
rationally engineered process of social and economic development within an
orderly, controlled environment. Retrograde notions of cultural development,
such as providence, progress, and manifest destiny, have more explanatory
power, because they at least recognize intentional design in cultural
dynamics, and at the very least they imply the existence of a power structure
within the cultural environment. Evolutionary theory, in its social sense, is
blind to the variable of power, let alone to the inequalities in its
distribution.
The second problem is historical. Since the application of
evolutionary theory has continuously been the foundational rhetoric and
justification of social atrocity for the last 150 years, why would anyone want
to open this Pandora's box yet again? At a time when biotech products and
services are being developed that will allow imperatives of political economy
to be inscribed directly into the flesh and into its reproductive cycle, why
would anyone want to use a theoretical system with little, if any, informative
power, that if deployed through pancapitalist media filters will promote
eugenic ideology? While it cannot be denied that all inquiries for the purpose
of gaining knowledge bring with them a high probability that the information
collected could be misused in its application, in the case of social
evolutionary theory, the historical evidence is overwhelming that it will be
misused. This situation is not fuzzy enough to make this role of the dice a
smart gambit, and the good intentions of individuals who engage this discourse
will not save it from capitalist appropriation and reconfiguration to better
serve its authoritarian and nihilistic tendencies.